The tea went overboard into Boston Harbor in December of 1773…
The British responded with the Coercive Acts which, among other things, closed down the port of Boston, and drastically rewrote Massachusetts’ colonial charter, putting the misbehaving colony under direct royal control. Town meetings and colonial assemblies were for the most part banned.
Massachusetts and the other colonies decided to send delegates to a meeting in Philadelphia to decide how to handle this. This was the (First) Continental Congress.
In early September 1774, it seemed like Dr. Joseph Warren was the last of the anti-royalist resistance activists left in Boston. Most of his compatriots were either serving in the extralegal Massachusetts Provinical Congress, for secrecy and their own safety moving between Salem and Concord, or on their way to the big meeting in Philly. (The anti-royalist faction of colonists had been commonly referred to as “Whigs,” but a new label was starting to be applied: “patriots.”)
But Dr. Warren had work to do. In between tending to patients, he was writing. And writing. And more writing. Crafting a document that would “signal the transformation of the resistance movement into a rebellion.”
Conventions for the purpose of resisting or undermining the Coercive Acts (known in America as the “Intolerable Acts”) were being held throughout Massachusetts on a county-by-county basis. Boston’s county was Suffolk, and Dr. Warren was the Suffolk County convention chairman. And he had quite a statement to make.
On September 9, the convention met in a large private home in Milton, ten miles south of Boston. Warren read aloud what came to be known as the Suffolk Resolves. Each resolve received a boisterous cheer as it was read, and all of them were unanimously approved.
Warren’s resolves stated that the people of Boston and Suffolk County would boycott all British goods, pay no heed to any of the Intolerable Acts, demand the replacement of any government official appointed under the Intolerable Acts, support the Provincial Congress in operating free from any royal authority, and — this really got people’s attention — increase the size and strength of their colonial militia to fight if needed on behalf of these resolves.
Collectively, the resolves were a step-and-a-half further than anyone had gone before in an open forum. This was a group of colonists flatly rejecting acts of Parliament and expressing a willingness to defend this stance with lethal force. The other colonies needed to know about them as soon as possible. It was imperative that a copy be dispatched as quickly as possible to the Continental Congress.
Dr. Warren handed off the Suffolk Resolves to his friend and trusted courier, who sped off towards Philadelphia…
The patriot movement in New England to re-establish colonial rights never had a true leader. There was no one demagogue or figurehead. It was a widespread social and political movement, guided by the will of the people. But the British government was desperate to blame it all on some kind of small cabal, just a handful of wily agitators stirring up trouble. The names they came back to again and again by the early 1770s were Samuel Adams and John Hancock.
But that duo was really a triumvirate. The efforts of Adams and Hancock to organize (not really “lead”) resistance to British oppression may not have succeeded without the contributions of their associate and confidante, Dr. Joseph Warren.
Born in 1741 to a respectable Roxford farming family that had been settled in Massachusetts for generations, the bright young Warren was sent off to Harvard in the late summer of 1755. (Sadly, his father, with whom he was close, died a few weeks later, after falling off a ladder while picking apples.) After graduation and a year of teaching at his old Latin school, he decided on a career in medicine. There was no such thing as a medical school in the American colonies, so Warren returned to Harvard to get a Master of Arts in medicine.
After gaining his post-graduate degree, Warren next had to serve a year-long apprenticeship under an established physician. He was lucky to be taken on by Dr. James Lloyd, one of Boston’s most respected medical practicioners. Under the tutelage of Lloyd (who had spent several years working with the best medical minds in London), Warren learned the most cutting-edge practices, in contrast to the primitive and outdated treatments used by many colonial doctors. He also was introduced to the higher levels of Boston society. Lloyd was quite wealthy, had a well-appointed house and gardens on Queen Street, and entertained lavishly. “Living under Lloyd’s roof, Warren had to comport himself as an extension of his mentor’s household,” wrote Warren biographer Christian Di Spigna. “Ensconced in an opulent lifestyle, he learned proper etiquette and how to entertain, acquiring his own taste for luxury in the process…Lloyd transformed Warren from an educated farm boy into a skilled and respected town physician.”
Warren opened his own general practice in 1763, treating everything from broken bones to STDs. He was also one of the few doctors at the time to offer up-to-date obstetric care. (Rather than leaving such things in the hands of God and midwives.) He was an early proponent of vaccination, and was crediting with staving off what could have been a disastrous outbreak of smallpox in the first year of his practice. He mixed with all levels of society, and could speak like both a “working-class farmer and a gentleman scholar.” The practice was a success thanks to Warren’s charm, intelligence, and what we now call good bedside manner.
Warren believed that a doctor should also be a responsible civic leader, so when the Stamp Act crisis hit in 1765, Dr. Warren plunged into the world of Boston politics. In addition to running his medical office (on south Hanover Street from 1770 on), he wrote provocative essays, made friends with John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and John Adams (who were also all his patients at one time or another), and discovered he had a talent for public speaking. Before his thirtieth birthday, he was considered one of Boston’s leading citizens and a major voice protecting colonial rights. Like Hancock, though, he maintained social connections on both sides of the divide (Dr. Lloyd was staunch Tory conservative) until that was no longer feasible.
He was there on frigid King Street in the aftermath of the Massacre, treating the wounded on site, and later performing the autopsies on the five who were killed.
He had married in 1764, and his firstborn came well short of nine months after the wedding day. (Despite 18th century folks having the reputation of being straitlaced, a teenaged pregnant bride was perhaps even more common then than it is now.) His wife, Betsy, died at age 26 in 1773, leaving him with four children under ten. After a brief but respectable amount of time, he began attracting the attention of several single women. After all he was only 31, easy on the eyes, made a good living, and was a well-known and well-liked figure around town. Although he kept it on the down-low, he was widely believed to be courting Mercy Scollay by the summer of 1774. Scollay was the daughter of a prominent town selectman and known to be a woman of “great energy and depth of character.”
Back for just a moment to 1630…
The town of Boston began at Bendell’s Cove. This small inlet on the southeast side of Shawmut Peninsula is where in September of that year John Winthrop established one of the primary necessities of a new trading colony — a dock. The Town Dock quickly became the heart of Boston commerce. Vendors converged in the area, hawking fish, butter, eggs, and poultry.
The marketplace around the Town Dock expanded over the next century, and really became something of a dirty, disorganized mess. Hardly the image of a pure, shining “city upon a hill” that Winthrop envisioned. The town fathers decided to step in and provide a little supervision. In the early 1730s, they constructed a public market building, and merchants were expected to rent a stall and keep things tidy. This was met by heavy resistance. Many vendors felt a centralized location would lead to increased price competition and unwanted regulations.
As we’ve seen, colonial Bostonians did nothing by halves. It wasn’t long before a mob of unruly merchants literally hacked the public market building to pieces, effectively de-regulating Boston’s commerce for the time being.
Enter filthy rich Peter Faneuil, described in the opening sentence of his Wikipedia article as “slave trader and philanthropist” (??), who offered to personally pay for a sturdier new brick market building…if Boston wanted it. Property-owning male citizens would have to vote on it. There were some suspicions about Faneuil’s motives. Why was he doing this? What was in it for him? Faneuil agreed to throw in a second-floor assembly hall (because Bostonians loved their assemblies) to assuage the doubters. The final vote was 367 to 360, so not exactly a landslide of approval. But construction began, funded substantially by the sale of enslaved persons. (Slavery eventually fell from favor in most of the northern colonies, New England particularly, but they weren’t there yet.)
#11 Faneuil Hall was opened in 1742 as the centerpiece of commercial Boston in what was now called “Dock Square.” The assembly hall’s first public function was Peter Faneuil’s funeral the following year. Yes, the hall burned to its brick walls in 1761, but that was to be expected. The restored Faneuil Hall was usable within two years, and completed by 1768.
There was some limited attic space, and this became the headquarters of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts, founded many years before by our beleaguered friend Robert Keayne from the previous entry. The market was only partly successful in the colonial era, but the assembly hall was an immediate hit, and this is what Faneuil Hall is primarily known for. It has been referred to as “the Cradle of Liberty.” Town meetings were held there after every new British outrage in the 1760s, usually led by the era’s most captivating speaker, Samuel Adams. It was where a stunned populace gathered the morning after the Boston Massacre. It was the meeting place for Boston’s Committee of Correspondence, one of the earliest attempts to unite all the American colonies in resistance to British violations.
By the time revolution broke out in 1775, the British Army was using it as a barracks, a storehouse for arms and ammunition, and even as a space to stage theatrical plays for the entertainment of the soldiers. (This was especially galling to some of the more Puritan-minded Bostonians who still believed live theater to be sinful.)
After the war, Faneuil Hall returned to its original use. The market floor was now bustling in the post-independence era, illustrious orators brought large crowds to the upstairs hall, and by the early 1800s Faneuil Hall was deemed too small for its original purposes. Boston’s favorite architect, Charles Bulfinch, supervised the process of doubling the building’s width, and adding one-and-a-half stories to its height in 1806.
And it was still not quite enough.
Boston was incorporated as a city in 1822. Most of the city’s shipping was to be found on the big commercial piers to the south of downtown, leaving the old Town Dock — where it all started — as a “receptacle for dead cats and other rubbish, its watercraft consisting of a pair of scows moored for the sale of oysters.” The dank waters of the harbor came right up to Faneuil Hall’s doorstep, and looking east from one of his offices on the Hall’s second floor, Boston mayor Josiah Quincy III gazed out on “a tangle of wharves and temporary wooden shacks.” The smell assaulted his nostrils. He decided to do something about it. The city bought out the wharves and shacks, or seized them through eminent domain, and began filling everything in. The shoreline moved eastward.
On the newly reclaimed land adjacent to the hall rose three long market buildings. The north and south buildings, funded by private investors, were made of brick, but the showpiece center building was granite with a large central rotunda and was paid for by the city. All of the original Faneuil Hall’s merchants were relocated to this new “Faneuil Hall Market” (or more commonly “Quincy Market,” against Josiah Quincy’s wishes), which opened in 1826. The hall then went through the first of several major renovations over the next two centuries.

An 1880 bronze statue of Samuel Adams, arms crossed in defiance, was placed in Dock Square to the west of Faneuil Hall. Dock Square itself became a traffic circle with the advent of motorized transport. By the end of the 20th century, the area was overshadowed by Boston’s cluster of high rise buildings, the traffic circle was eliminated as the citys streets modernized, and nowadays, Dock Square is pretty much gone. It’s sometimes used to describe the area around a small pedestrian plaza on the western side of the Hall, nowhere near any dock.
This was the area we entered looking for lunch. The shoreline was now even further to the east, and out of sight. Although it faces the busy thoroughfare of Commercial Street and boasts the aforementioned statue and plaza, the western side is technically the back of Faneuil Hall. The front, with its tall white cupola, faces east towards Quincy Market. I had a brief flashback of standing on the hall’s roof next to the distinctive grasshopper weathervane from back when I played Fallout 4. (I was strongly tempted to replay Fallout 4 after learning so much about Boston geography, which would go against my ironclad rule of never replaying lengthy open-world RPGs. Life’s too short. I inevitably fall into the same patterns and make the same highly moral decisions as my first playthrough. I could never call Dogmeat a “dumb butt,” even though the dialogue options give me the opportunity to do so. )
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